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Normal weight ranges: Body mass index (BMI)
My hormones do so much better when I eat a mostly whole foods diet, get plenty of sleep someone tell that to my kids! Most underweight teens catch up eventually and there's rarely a need to try to gain weight. For both my pregnancies I gained 50 lbs I normally weigh In this post, I'll share with you what happened, and how reading this book changed my life. Health is generally better with lower body fat percentages regardless of the BMI, and this includes populations with documented diseases like diabetes. Quick Summary To become healthy, try to incorporate physical activity into your daily routine by doing things like using the stairs at work or taking your dog for long walks. Labor was a whopping 2.

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The OMAD Diet

When other nutrition-related risk factors are taken into account, the toll rises to almost million DALYs, fully one half of all DALYs in the developing world. That total represents a loss of productivity equivalent to having a disaster kill or disable the entire population of a country larger than the United States of America.

It also highlights the immeasurable suffering that the ongoing disaster of world hunger inflicts on millions of households and the crushing economic burden it imposes on countries throughout the developing world. Estimating the millions of human lives cut short or scarred by disability leaves no doubt that hunger is morally unacceptable. The costs of hunger to society come in several distinct forms. Perhaps the most obvious are the direct costs of dealing with the damage it causes.

These include the medical costs of treating both the problem pregnancies and deliveries of anaemic, underweight mothers and the severe and frequent illnesses of children whose lives are threatened by malaria, pneumonia, diarrhoea or measles because their bodies and immune systems have been weakened by hunger.

Provisional estimates suggest that these indirect costs range into the hundreds of billions of dollars. Both the direct and indirect costs represent the price of complacency, of allowing widespread hunger to persist.

Both are unacceptably high, not only in absolute terms but in comparison with estimates of a third type of costs - the costs of interventions that could be taken to prevent and eliminate hunger and malnutrition. Numerous studies suggest that every dollar invested in well-targeted interventions to reduce undernourishment and micronutrient deficiencies can yield from five times to over 20 times as much in benefits.

Estimates of the indirect costs of hunger are generally based on studies that have measured the impact of specific forms of malnutrition on physical and mental development and have established correlations with reduced productivity and earnings see chart. These studies have shown, for example, that:.

LBW, stunting and micronutrient deficiencies have all been associated with reduced school attendance. One study that closely monitored children affected by a drought in Zimbabwe found that malnutrition during critical months of development cost children an average of 4. Those seemingly small losses in height and education translated into estimated losses of 12 percent in lifetime earnings.

Iodine deficiency, which affects an estimated 13 percent of the world's population, has been associated with losses of 10 to 15 points on IQ tests and 10 percent in productivity.

Combining these findings with available data on the prevalence of various forms of malnutrition in populations makes it possible to construct provisional estimates of the costs of hunger on national and global scales.

These benefits include estimates of reductions both in the direct costs of neonatal care, illness and chronic diseases and in the indirect costs of productivity lost as a result of shortened working lives and impaired physical and cognitive development.

Since the benefits are estimated as the current value of increased productivity over the course of a lifetime, a discount value must be applied to account for inflation and the probability that any given individual may not survive or work throughout the normal span of working years.

A similar exercise estimated the long-term costs incurred for every year that iron deficiency remains at current levels in a different set of ten countries. The present discounted value of costs associated with iron deficiency anaemia ranged from about 2 percent of GDP in Honduras to 8 percent in Bangladesh see graph, next page. If the cost of anaemia to Bangladesh is estimated to be equivalent to 8 percent of GDP, for example, this does not mean that anaemia slashes output by 8 percent every year.

Rather it means that for every year that the prevalence of anaemia remains unchanged, the present value of costs spread over the lifetimes of the current generation of five-year-olds amounts to 8 percent of one year's GDP. None of these estimates present anything like a full accounting of the costs of hunger.

Among other limitations, the calculations:. Yet even these partial and provisional estimates make it clear that the costs of hunger are extremely high. Take the low end of the estimated range of lost productivity and earnings for each individual form of malnutrition. Adjust for the likelihood that there may be considerable overlap among them. Losses of that magnitude clearly represent a significant drag on national development efforts.

AED's estimates at the country level demonstrate that they dwarf the costs of action to reduce or eliminate malnutrition. For the 25 countries for which AED data were made available, the benefits of interventions to reduce PEM outweighed the costs by a factor of 7. For actions to reduce iron and iodine deficiencies, the benefits averaged 9. This calculation, too, almost certainly underestimates the true costs of hunger.

But like the AED estimates it clearly demonstrates that the costs of allowing widespread hunger to persist are extremely high and far outweigh the costs of decisive action to eliminate it. F AO's estimates of the number of undernourished people in the world are the most closely followed and widely cited element of The State of Food Insecurity in the World. News reports invariably headline the latest figures as a gauge of progress towards the targets set by the World Food Summit and the Millennium Development Goals - to reduce hunger by half by the year Given the attention focused on these annual estimates, it is not surprising that the methodology employed to calculate them has been subject to close scrutiny and debate.

Experts within and outside FAO have pointed out limitations in both the underlying data and FAO's methods of analysing them. In , FAO hosted an International Scientific Symposium to review different methods of measuring food deprivation and undernutrition and identify ways to improve FAO's estimates. Since then, FAO has taken action both to improve its own methodology and to validate alternative, complementary approaches.

FAO's estimates are essentially a measure of food deprivation based on calculation of three key parameters for each country: Similarly, since a large adult needs almost twice as many calories as a three-year-old child, the minimum requirement per person for each country takes into account its mix of age, gender and body sizes. FAO reports the proportion of the population whose daily food consumption falls below that minimum daily requirement as undernourished. This allows comparisons across countries and over time.

But the FAO methodology also suffers from several obvious limitations. For many countries, the reliability of the underlying food balance sheet data and measures of inequality is uncertain. A relatively small variation in just one of these parameters can make a big difference in a country's estimated level of hunger see graph.

Furthermore, estimates based on national production and trade figures cannot be used to pinpoint where hunger has become increasingly concentrated in specific geographic areas and socio-economic groups.

Many of the proposals to improve the FAO estimates put forward at the Symposium called for increased reliance on data obtained from household budget surveys. Such surveys, which are available from an increasing number of developing countries, provide data that can be used to calculate two of the parameters used in FAO's estimates - daily food intake and the degree of inequality in access to food. They can also be used to measure other dimensions of hunger and food insecurity, including poor diet quality and vulnerability to food deprivation, and to monitor them over time within different areas and population groups.

Surveys also suffer from certain weaknesses. Data are not collected regularly in all countries. Even where they are, the surveys are usually updated only once every three to five years and the results are often not comparable across countries or even from one survey to the next. Nutritional status can be impaired not only by lack of food but by frequent illness, poor sanitation and other conditions that prevent people from getting full nutritional benefit from their food.

FAO's estimates of undernourishment measure only food deprivation. Other indicators, such as the proportion of children who are stunted short for their age or underweight capture all the dimensions that affect nutritional status. Most countries regularly collect such anthropometric data, though only every few years and only for children.

Although the prevalence of stunting or underweight rarely matches the level of undernourishment, the relative magnitude and overall trends generally coincide see graph. Anthropometric data are extremely valuable for highlighting trends and evaluating interventions among particularly vulnerable groups, such as children and pregnant women. Since the Symposium, FAO has worked with more than 50 countries to improve their ability to apply FAO's methodology to measure food deprivation for specific population groups.

In calculating the estimates given in this report, FAO relies on food balance sheets as the only way to obtain consistent global and regional coverage on a regular basis. FAO estimates have always relied on household budget survey data to derive a coefficient of variation for inequality in access to food.

But they have applied a single coefficient across the entire time series for each country, leading to criticism that they fail to account for changes in equality over time. Results show that inequality has decreased in 28 of the 38 countries for which data from at least two reliable and comparable surveys were available. Once comparable trend data become more widely available they will be introduced into FAO's estimates of undernourishment.

Instead, a variety of methods can provide a suite of indicators that measure the different dimensions of food insecurity, both at the global level and within countries. Considerable progress has been made towards creating such a suite. FAO and the World Bank have worked together, for example, to build data sets that integrate information on food deprivation, income, food consumption and anthropometry.

As of July , 35 countries faced food crises requiring emergency assistance. Neither the number of crises nor their locations differed markedly from the situation reported in The State of Food Insecurity in the World Most of the crises were concentrated in Africa and were caused by drought, conflict or a combination of the two see map. Almost all had persisted over a prolonged period, with an average duration of nine years.

In East Africa alone, the food security of over 13 million people was threatened by a combination of erratic rains and the impact of recent and ongoing conflicts. There's also plenty of opportunity for food poisoning to occur at home. There's another way to conduct a heart stress test that doesn't involve exercise. Several drugs can be safely used to mimic the effects of exercise or stress on the heart.

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What Does Research Say About The BMI Chart?